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The Nazi Connection to the John F. Kennedy
Assassination

Evidence of link between Nazis
still in operation after World War II to the still unsolved murder
of John F. Kennedy

 

by Mae Brussell

(from the short-lived Larry Flynt publication The
Rebel
, January 1984)


1940-1945: The Nazi Connection to Dallas:
General Reinhard Gehlen

    The sparrow-faced man in the battle uniform
of an American general clambered down the steps of the U.S. Army
transport plane upon its arrival at Washington National Airport. It was
August 24, 1945, two weeks after the surrender of Japan, three months
after the German capitulation. The general was hustled into a van with
no windows and whisked to Fort Hunt outside the capital. There he was
attended by white-jacketed orderlies and, the next morning, fitted with
a dark-grey business suit from one of Washington’s swankiest men’s
stores.
    General Reinhard Gehlen was ready to cut a deal.
    Reinhard Gehlen had been, up until the recent
capitulation, Adolph Hitler’s chief intelligence officer against the
Soviet Union. His American captors had decked him out in one of their
uniforms to deceive the Russians, who were hunting him as a war
criminal. Now U.S. intelligence was going to deploy Gehlen and his
network of spies against the Russians. The Cold War was on.
    This is a story of how key nazis, even as the
Wehrmacht was still on the offensive, anticipated military disaster and
laid plans to transplant nazism, intact but disguised, in havens in the
West. It is the story of how honorable men, and some not so honorable,
were so blinded by the Red menace that they fell into lockstep with nazi
designs. It is the story of the Odd Couple Plus One: the mob, the CIA
and fanatical exiles, each with its own reason for gunning for Kennedy.
It is a story that climaxes in Dallas on November 22, 1963 when John
Kennedy was struck down. And it is a story with an aftermath —
America’s slide to the brink of fascism. As William L. Shirer, author of
The
Rise and Fall of the Third Reich
, put it in speaking of the
excesses of the Nixon administration, “We could become the first
country to go fascist through free elections.”

 Photo by Wide World

General Reinhard Gehlen,
shown (center) in a rare photograph taken during WWII.

 

    Even Robert Ludlum would have been hard put
to invent a more improbable espionage yam. In the eyes of the CIA
Reinhard Gehlen was an “asset” of staggering potential. He was
a professional spymaster, violently anti-Communist and, best of all, the
controller of a vast underground network still in place inside Russian
frontiers. His checkered past mattered not. “He’s on our side and
that’s all that matters,” chuckled Allen Dulles, a U.S.
intelligence officer during the war who later headed the CIA.
“Besides, one need not ask a Gehlen to one’s club.”
    Gehlen negotiated with his American
“hosts” with the cool hand of a Las Vegas gambler. When the
German collapse was at hand, he had looked to the future. He lugged all
his files into the Bavarian Alps and cached them at a site called,
appropriately, Misery Meadows. Then he buried his Wehrmacht uniform with
the embroidered eagle and swastika, donned an Alpine coat, and turned
himself in to the nearest U.S. Army detachment. When the advancing
Russians searched his headquarters at Zossen, all they found were empty
file cabinets and litter.
    The deal Gehlen struck with the Americans was
not, for obvious reasons, released to the Washington Post. As
Heinz Hohne and Hermann Zolling phrased it in The General Was A Spy,
the German general took his entire apparatus, “unpurged and without
interruption, into the service of the American superpower.” There
is no evidence that he ever renounced the Third Reich’s postwar plan,
advanced by his own family’s publishing house, to colonize vast regions
of Eastern Russia, create a huge famine for 40,000,000, and treat the
remaining 50,000,000 “racially inferior Slavs as slaves.”
    Allen Dulles may not have invited such a man to
his club, but he did the next best thing: he funneled an aggregate of
$200 million in CIA funds to the Gehlen Organization as it became known.
Directing operations from a fortress-like nerve center in Bavaria,
Gehlen reactivated his network inside Russia. Soon, news of the first
Russian jet fighter, the MiG-15, was channeled back to the West. In 1949
the general scored an espionage coup when he turned up Soviet plans for
the remilitarization of East Germany.
    When Dulles spoke, Gehlen listened. The CIA
chief was convinced, along with his brother, Secretary of State John
Foster Dulles, that the “captive nations” of the Soviet bloc
would rise up if given sufficient encouragement. At his behest, Gehlen
recruited and trained an exile mercenary force ready to rush in without
involving American units. Also at Dulles’ direction, Gehlen tapped the
ranks of his wartime Russian collaborators for a cadre of spies to be
parachuted into the Soviet Union. Some of these spies were schooled at
the CIA’s clandestine base at Atsugi, Japan, where, in 1957, a young
Marine named Lee Harvey Oswald was posted to the U-2 spy plane operation
there.
    Atsugi was only one station on Oswald’s Far East
intelligence route; he was also at the U-2 base at Subic Bay in the
Philippines and, for a short while, at Ping-Tung. Taiwan In 1959 he was
transferred to a Marine base at Santa Ana, California for instructions
in radar surveillance. His training officer had graduated from the
Georgetown School of Foreign Service, which had close Agency ties. In
May, 1960, when President Eisenhower was planning a summit meeting with
Soviet Premier Khrushchev, a U-2 was shot down over Russia and its pilot
captured. The pilot, Francis Gary Powers, later blamed his demise on Lee
Harvey Oswald. The U-2 affair effectively sabotaged Ike’s summit
meeting.
    In 1955, by pre-arrangement, the Gehlen
Organization was transferred to the West German Government, becoming its
first intelligence arm, the BND. The BND became a Siamese twin of the
CIA a global operation. They had already worked well together, in Iran
in 1953, where the country’s first democratic government was in power.
Two years earlier Premier Mossadegh had rashly nationalized the oil
industry. Dulles, with Gehlen’s help, engineered a coup that toppled
Mossadegh and reestablished the Pahlevi family regime. The family
patriarch, General Reza Pahlevi, had been banished from the country for
his pro-nazi activities during the war. Now his son, Mohammed Reza
Pahlevi, ascended the Peacock Throne. The Shah of Iran became one of the
CIA’s most faithful assets.
    Gehlen pioneered the setting up of dummy fronts
and cover companies to support his farflung covert operations. A major
project was to form Eastern European emigre groups in the U.S. that
could be used against the Soviets. Both the Tolstoy Foundation and the
Union of Bishops of the Orthodox Church Outside Russia were funded by
the CIA. When Lee and Marina Oswald arrived from the Soviet Union in
June, 1962 they were befriended by some three dozen White Russians in
the Dallas-Ft. Worth area. Many had identifiable nazi links; others were
in the oil and defense industries. It was an improbable social set for a
defector to the U.S.S.R. and his wife from Minsk.
    By the time the Gehlen Organization became part
of the West German state, Gehlen already had his agent-in-place in the
United States. He was Otto Albrecht von Bolschwing, who had been a
captain in Heinrich Himmler’s dreaded SS and Adolph Eichmann’s
superior in Europe and Palestine. Von Bolschwing worked simultaneously
for Dulles’ OSS. When he entered the U.S. in February, 1954, he cleverly
concealed his nazi past. He was to take over Gehlen’s network not only
in this country but in many corners of the globe. He became closely
associated with the late Elmer Bobst of Warner-Lambert Pharmaceutical, a
godfather of Richard Nixon’s political career, which brought him inside
Nixon’s 1960 campaign for the presidency. In 1969 he showed up in
California with a high-tech firm called TCI that held classified Defense
Department contracts. His translator for German projects was Helene van
Damme, Governor Ronald Reagan’s appointments secretary. Von Damme is
currently U.S. Ambassador to Austria, next door to the nazi’s homeland.
    In 1968 Reinhard Gehlen withdrew to his chalet
in Bavaria. The chalet had been a gift from Allen Dulles.

Wild Bill Donovan of the OSS, Allen Dulles and the Vatican

    Allen Dulles dubbed it
Operation Sunrise. He mounted it from his walk-up office in Bern,
Switzerland, where, since 1942, he had maintained contact with key nazis.
Operation Sunrise was conceived when these nazis decided, in the face of
defeat, that they preferred to surrender to the Americans and British.
The agreement, which double-crossed the Russians, was signed April 29,
1945.
    The principle negotiator on the German side was
SS Commander Karl Wolff, head of the Gestapo in Italy. Wolff acted with
full authority, for he was formerly chief of Heinrich Himmler’s personal
staff. Wolff’s relationship with Dulles spared him from the dock at
Nuremberg, but when it was later discovered that he had dispatched
“at least” 300,000 Jews to the Treblinka death camp he was
handed a token sentence. In 1983 Wolff made the social pages when he and
some of his old SS buddies sojourned on the late Hermann Goering’s yacht
Carin II of Hamburg. The skipper was Gert Heidemann, an avowed
Hamburg nazi. The yacht belonged to the widow, Emmy Goering, whose
estate attorney was the celebrated Melvin Belli. Belli has always had an
eclectic clientele. He represented Jack Ruby after he shot Oswald. And
he represented actor Errol Flynn’s family interests. Flynn (once a close
friend of Ronald Reagan) has been identified as having collaborated with
the Gestapo.

 Photo by Wide World

John J. McCloy had a
lengthy career riddled with Nazi sympathies

 

    When Wolff hammered out the secret surrender
terms with Dulles, he had in the back of his mind a safe diaspora for
his nazi compatriots. This is where the OSS, William Donovan and the
sovereign state of the Vatican came in. “Wild Bill” Donovan
was top dog in the OSS. Shortly before the Germans overran Europe,
Father Felix Morlion, a papal functionary, had set up a Vatican
intelligence organization called Pro Deo in Lisbon. When the U.S.
entered the war Donovan moved Morlion lock, stock and barrel to New York
and opened a sizeable bank account for him to draw on. The priest
founded the American Council for International Promotion of Democracy
Under God, on 60th Street. In the same building is the office of William
Taub, whose name popped up during the Watergate affair. Taub is
well-known as a wide-ranging middleman for such powerful figures as
Nixon, Howard Hughes, Aristotle Onassis and Jimmy Hoffa, and his
behind-the-scenes maneuvers were invaluable to Nixon in his 1960 run at
the presidency. Taub was especially close to Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviania
of the Holy See, who arranged Mussolini’s 1929 “donation” of
$89 million to the Vatican to ensure its neutrality with Mussolini and
Hitler. The money went into a special fund in the Vatican Bank, and
after the war part of it was entrusted to “God’s Banker”
Michele Sindona for investment. Sindona channeled a good chunk of it to
the Nixon campaign.
    When Rome was liberated in 1944 Morlion and Pro
Deo relocated there. In recognition of Donovan’s good works on behalf of
Pro Deo, Pope Plus XII knighted him with the Grand Cross of the Order of
St. Sylvester. And before he flew off to Washington to cut his deal with
the CIA, Reinhard Gehlen received the Sovereign Military Order of Malta
award from the Pontiff. So did James Jesus Angleton, a Donovan operative
in Rome who became the CIA’s chief of counterintelligence.
    For Dulles, Operation Sunset was a personal
triumph, one that set in motion his rise to the top of the intelligence
heap. In 1963, by virtue of that position, he became the CIA’s
representative on the Warren Commission.

John J. McCloy and the Chase Manhattan

 

    President Lyndon Johnson asked John J. McCloy
to serve on the Warren Commission. No less than nine presidents had
called on the Wall Street lawyer for special assignments, yet he was
little known to the public. McCloy said he entered the investigation
“thinking there was a conspiracy,” but left it convinced that
Oswald acted alone. “I never saw a case that was more completely
proven,” he asserted.
    McCloy had long been involved in the murky world
of espionage, intrigue and nazis. He spent the decade of the 1930s
working out of Paris. Much of his time was spent on a law case stemming
from German sabotage in World War I. His investigation took him to
Berlin, where he shared a box with Hitler at the 1936 Olympics. He was
in contact with Rudolph Hess before the Nazi leader made a mysterious
flight to England in 1941.

 Photo by Wide World

 Major General Charles
A. Willoughby, “Our own Junker general.”

 

    When the nazis occupied Europe, the banking
exchanges between Britain and the U.S. on the one hand and Germany on
the other carried on as usual. In Trading With the Enemy, Charles
Higham documents the role of Standard Oil of New Jersey, owned by the
Chase Manhattan Bank, and I.G. Farben’s Sterling Products with the Bank
for International Settlements. Standard Oil tankers plied the sea lanes
with fuel for the nazi war machine. Prior to the war McCloy was legal
counsel to Farben, the German chemical monopoly.
    As an assistant secretary in the War Department
during the war:

    • McCloy blocked the executions of nazi war criminals
    • Forged a pact with the Vichy Regime of pro-nazi Admiral Darlan.
    • Displaced Japanese-Americans in California to internment camps.
    • Refused to recommend the bombing of nazi concentration camps to
      spare the inmates on grounds “the cost would be out of
      proportion to any possible benefits.”
    • Refused Jewish refugees entry to the U.S.

    When the curtain fell on the war, McCloy
helped shield Klaus Barbie, the “butcher of Lyons,” from the
French. Barbie and other vicious dogs from Hitler’s kennel were hidden
out with the 370th Counter Intelligence Corps at Obergamergau. One of
their keepers was Private Henry Kissinger, soon to enter Harvard as a
McCloy protege.
    In 1949 McCloy returned to Germany as American
High Commissioner. He commuted the death sentences of a number of nazi
war criminals, and gave early releases to others. One was Alfred Krupp,
convicted of using slave labor in his armaments factories. Another was
Hitler’s financial genius, Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, who subsequently went on
the payroll of Aristotle Onassis.
    In 1952 McCloy left a Germany that was prepared
to re-arm to return to his law practice. He became president of the
Chase Manhattan Bank, director of a dozen blue chip corporations, and
legal counsel to the “Seven Sisters” of American oil. During
this period he acquired a client, the Nobel oil firm, whose interests in
Czarist Russia had been managed by the father of George de Mohrenschildt,
Lee and Marina Oswald’s “best friend” in Dallas.
    Busy as he was McCloy found time to supervise
construction of the new Pentagon building. It was nicknamed “McCloy’s
Folly.”

J. Edgar Hoover and Interpol

    FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover “mistrusted
and disliked all three Kennedy brothers. President Johnson and Hoover
had mutual fear and hatred for the Kennedys,” wrote the late
William Sullivan, for many years an assistant FBI director. Hoover hated
Robert Kennedy, who as Attorney General was his boss, and feared John.
In turn the President distrusted Allen Dulles, easing him out as CIA
director after the 1961 Bay of Pigs debacle. When JFK moved to lower the
oil depletion allowance, he incurred the displeasure of John McCloy,
whose clients’ profits would be trimmed.
    Hoover, Dulles and McCloy did not belong to the
Kennedy fan club. When the president was shot, Hoover controlled the
field investigation, and Dulles and McCloy helped mold the final verdict
of the Warren Commission.
    As America stood on the threshold of World War
II Hoover continued a friendly relationship with the nazis who dominated
Interpol, the Berlin-based international secret police. He had been
obsessed with the “Red menace” since 1919 when he became head
of the Bureau’s General Intelligence Division. Heinrich Himmler,
Reinhard Heydrich, Arthur Nebe and other fanatical nazis were active in
Interpol. Even after Hitler occupied Czechoslovakia, Hoover ignored all
evidence of nazi death squads and atrocities and cooperated with the
boys in Berlin. As France fell, Hoover exchanged lists of wanted
criminals, enclosing autographed photographs of himself. It was not
until three days before Pearl Harbor that he called a halt — and then
only because he feared his image might be tarnished.
    When the war had been imminent Roosevelt charged
Hoover with ferreting out nazi spies in the Western Hemisphere. Two
escaped his notice. As early as 1933 Gestapo agent Dr. Hermann Friedrick
Erben recruited Errol Flynn as an intelligence source. Erben went on to
become a naturalized American citizen, but never abandoned his loyalty
to Hitler. Flynn went on to make “Santa Fe Trail” in
1940, co-starring with Ronald Reagan, and the two paired up for “Desperate
Journey
” in 1942.
    George de Mohrenschildt, the Oswalds’ genial
host in Dallas, was tagged by Hoover’s FBI as a nazi spy during World
War II. G-men noted that his cousin, Baron Maydell, had nazi ties, and
that his uncle distributed pro-nazi films. Their suspicions were
confirmed when they trailed de Mohrenschildt from New York to Corpus
Christi. On October 8, 1942 a “lookout” was placed in his file
in case he applied for another passport.

 Photo by Wide World

J. Edgar Hoover: he kept
alive the Nazi intelligence network INTERPOL

 

    The parts left out of J. Edgar Hoover’s
investigation before and after Kennedy was killed were the nazi
associations de Mohrenschildt had while working for U.S. intelligence.
    George’s cousin, the movie producer Baron
Constantine Maydell, was one of the top German Abwehr agents in North
America. Reinhard von Gehlen recruited Maydell in the post-war era to be
in charge of the CIA’s Russian emigre programs.
    Gehlen recruited veterans of Maydell’s Abwehr
Group to work with East European emigre organizations inside the U.S.
    Part of Lee and Marina’s red carpet treatment in
the U.S. started with their arrival from the USSR. Spas T. Raigkin was
the ex-Secretary General of a group such as Maydell’s. The AFABN, the
American Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, with CIA
funding, assisted Lee and Marina to get settled.
    J. Edgar Hoover was trained only to see if there
were Communists around …the red menace. The Abwehr, Reinhard Gehlen
and Maydell were overlooked by the FBI.
    After the war Interpol ostensibly cleaned up its
act, moved to Paris and installed the prestigious Hoover as vice
president. Yet Interpol steadfastly refused to hunt for nazi war
criminals, contending it was independent of politics. The excuse
appeared a bit lame when, in the 1970s, former SS officer Paul Dickopf
became president.

“Sir” Charles Willoughby — a
Franco-German-American

 

    He was a bull of a man who spoke with a
German accent, wore a custom-tailored general’s uniform and affected a
monocle. A fellow officer in the U.S. army under his true name of Adolph
Charles Weidenbach, born in Heidelberg, March 8, 1892. But by the time
he became Douglas MacArthur’s chief of intelligence for the war in the
Pacific, he was Major General Charles A. Willoughby. Behind his back he
was derisively tagged “Sir Charles.”
    For a man of such Teutonic traits it was odd
that Willoughby preferred his fascism with a Spanish accent. But this
was an accident of geography. While serving as a military attache in
Ecuador, he had received a decoration from Mussolini’s government — the
Order of Saints Maurizio and Lazzaro. After delivering an impassioned
paean to Spanish dictator Generalissimo Francisco Franco at a lunch in
Madrid, he was toasted by the secretary general of the Falangist Party,
“I am happy to know a fellow Falangist and reactionary.
    MacArthur’s pre-war headquarters were in the
Philippines, whose commerce was dominated by resident Spaniards. The
Daddy Warbucks of this crowd was Andres Soriano, who owned an early-day
conglomerate of airlines, mines, breweries (“Of course!”) and
American distributorships. During the Spanish Civil War Soriano was one
of Franco’s principal money-bags. When the Rising Sun flag was raised
over the Philippines Soriano fled to Washington to become finance
minister of the government-in-exile. But there was such a fuss over his
fascist reputation that he flew off to Australia to become a colonel on
MacArthur’s staff.
    Willoughby accompanied the Supreme Commander to
Tokyo for the occupation of Japan. His preferences remained the same;
when military police shook down his hotel looking for a fugitive, they
found Willoughby at dinner with the stranded Italian fascist ambassador
to Japan and members of his staff. He became a heavy-handed censor,
suppressing unfavorable news to the States. He delighted in falsely
labeling correspondents who defied him as “Communists,” a
tactic Senator McCarthy would adopt with enthusiasm. But the general’s
priority project was a dressed-up history of the Pacific War in which
MacArthur would be the towering hero. Willoughby brought in Japanese
military brass for a view from the enemy side, a move that may have had
an ulterior motive. The possibility existed that Willoughby was
down-playing Japanese war crimes so that the perpetrators could be
protected for use against the Soviets later. This was happening in
Germany where the top nazis were writing the history of Malmedy. The
tight security in which Willoughby wrapped the project only adds to this
impression. One woman had a passkey, the wife of Dr. Mitsutaro Araki, a
former exchange lecturer in Germany, who was closely tied in with high
nazis in Tokyo and the Tojo clique.
    Willoughby harbored another secret that only
came to light last year. During the war, the Japanese conducted germ
warfare experiments with human beings as guinea pigs (at least 3,000
died, including an undetermined number of captured U.S. military). The
Pentagon decided that the biological research might prove handy against
the Russians, and the Japanese responsible for the experiments were
granted immunity from prosecution in return for their laboratory
records. On December 12, 1947 the Pentagon acknowledged the
“wholehearted cooperation” of Willoughby in arranging the
examination of the “human pathological material which had been
transferred to Japan from the biological warfare installations.”
    As his final public gesture to Franco,
Willoughby lobbied the U.S. Congress in August, 1952 to authorize $100
million for the anti-Communist dictator’s needs. Then he settled down in
the U.S. to do battle with the domestic enemy. As Sir Charles and his
right-wing allies saw it, Marxism wasn’t the real enemy, the Liberals
were.

1952: The Travels of Klaus Barbie, Evita Peron, Otto
Skorzeny, and Nicolae Malaxa

 

    By 1952 Klaus Barbie had arrived in Bolivia
via a stop in Argentina. He had been spirited out of Germany by the CIA,
with a hand from the Vatican. Soon he teamed up with SS Major Otto
Skorzeny, who now was affiliated with the CIA. Dr. Fritz Thyssen and Dr.
Gustav Krupp, both beneficiaries of McCloy’s amnesty, bankrolled
Skorzeny from the start. Barbie and Skorzeny were soon forming death
squads such as the Angels of Death in Bolivia, the Anti-Communist
Alliance in Argentina, and in Spain, with Stephen Della Chiaie, the
Guerrillas of Christ the King.
    In 1952 the nazi, Martin Bormann’s money was
released. In Argentina, Evita Peron died of cancer at age 33. In her
name was deposited, in 40 Swiss banks, the nazi money. There was $100
million cash, another $40 million in diamonds. Several hundred million
more were set aside with Evita’s brother, Juan Duarte, as the courier.
This led to three murders the following year:

    • Juan Duarte was shot to death.
    • Heinrich Dorge, an aide to Hjalmar Schacht, killed.
    • Rudolf Feude, nazi banker who knew the locations of the money, was
      poisoned.

    In 1952 Otto Skorzeny, who had been released
from American custody in 1947, moved to Madrid. He created what is known
as the International Fascista. The CIA and the Gehlen BND dispatched him
to “trouble spots.” On his payroll were former SS agents,
French OAS terrorists and secret police from Portugal’s PDID. PDID are
the same initials as the Los Angeles police intelligence unit, Public
Disorder Intelligence Division. The California PDID was exposed on May
24, 1983 as spying on law abiding citizens at an expense of $100,000,
utilizing a computerized dossier system bought by the late
Representative Larry McDonald’s “Western Goals.” (McDonald was
a national leader of the John Birch Society, which was exceedingly
active in Dallas preceding the Kennedy assassination. Western Goals has
offices in Germany run by Eugene Wigner that feed data to the Gehlen BND.)
    On the board of Western Goals are such Cold
Warriors as Edward Teller, Admiral Thomas Moorer and Dr. Hans Senholt,
once a Luftwaffe pilot.
    SS Colonel Skorzeny’s CIA agents participated in
terror campaigns waged by Operation 40 in Guatemala, Brazil and
Argentina. Skorzeny was also in charge of the Paladin mercenaries, whose
cover, M.C. Inc., was a Madrid export-import firm.
    Dr. Gerhard Hartmut von Schubert, [formerly] of
Joseph Goebbels’ propaganda ministry, was M.C. operating manager. The
nerve center for Skorzeny’s operations was in Albufera, Spain. It was
lodged in the same building as the Spanish intelligence agency SCOE
under Colonel Eduardo Blanco and was also an office of the U.S. Central
Intelligence Agency.
    The Albufera building was the kind of
intelligence nest that was duplicated in New Orleans in 1963. That
summer Lee Harvey Oswald handed out pro-Castro literature stamped with
the address 544 Camp Street, a commercial building. This was a blunder,
because Oswald actually was under the control of an anti-Castro
operation headquartered there. His controller, W. Guy Banister, was
connected with military intelligence, the CIA and a section of the World
Anti-Communist League that had been set up by Willoughby and his Far
Pacific intelligence unit in Taiwan.
    In The Great Heroin Coup, Henrik Kruger
disclosed that the International Fascist was “not only the first
step toward fulfilling the dream of Skorzeny, but also of his close
friends in Madrid, exile Jose Lopez Rega, Juan Peron’s grey eminence,
and prince Justo Valerio Borghese, the Italian fascist money man who had
been rescued from execution at the hands of the World War II Italian
resistance by future CIA counterintelligence whiz James J.
Angleton.”
    A subcommittee on international operations of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee prepared a report “Latin
America: Murder, Inc.” that is still classified. The title repeated
Lyndon Johnson’s remark, three months before he died, “We were
running a Murder, Inc. in the Caribbean.” The report concluded:
“The United States had joint operations between Argentina, Bolivia,
Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay. The joint operations were known as
Operation Condor. These are special teams used to carry out ‘sanctions,’
the killing of enemies.”
    Jack Anderson gave a few details in his column
“Operation Condor, An Unholy Alliance” August 3, 1979:

“Assassination teams are centered in Chile. This international
consortium is located in Colonia Dignidad, Chile. Founded by nazis
from Hitler’s SS, headed by Franz Pfeiffer Richter, Adolf Hitler’s
1000-year Reich may not have perished. Children are cut up in front of
their parents, suspects are asphyxiated in piles of excrement or
rotated to death over barbecue pits.”

    Otto Skorzeny code-named his assault on
American soldiers in the Battle of the Bulge Operation Greif, the
“Condor.” He continued Condor with his post-war special teams
that imposed “sanctions,” meaning the assassination of
enemies. Skorzeny’s father-in-law was Hjalmar Schacht, president of
Hitler’s Reichsbank. Schacht guided Onassis’ shipyards in rebuilding the
German and Japanese war fleets. In 1950 Onassis signed on Lars Anderson
for his whaling ships on the hunt off Antarctica and Argentina. Anderson
had belonged to Vidkum Quisling’s nazi collaborationist group in Norway
during the war. Clay Shaw, who was charged by New Orleans D.A. Jim
Garrison with complicity in the JFK assassination, was a close friend of
Hjalmar Schacht.

 Photo by Wide World

Colonia Dignidad. Nobody
comes, nobody goes
  

 

    In 1952 Nicolae Malaxa moved from Whittier
California to Argentina. Malaxa had belonged to Otto von Bolschwing’s
Gestapo network, as did his associate, Viorel Trifia, who was living in
Detroit. They were members of the Nazi Iron Guard in Romania, and had
felt prosecution. They had one thing in common; they were friends of
Richard Nixon.
    Trifia had been brought to the U.S. by von
Bolschwing. Malaxa had escaped from Europe with over $200 million in
U.S. dollars. Upon arrival in New York he picked up another $200 million
from Chase Manhattan Bank. The legal path for his entry was smoothed by
the Sullivan & Cromwell law offices, the Dulles brothers firm.
Undersecretary of State Adolph Berle, who had helped Nixon and star
witness Whittaker Chambers convict Alger Hiss, personally testified on
Malaxa’s behalf before a congressional subcommittee on immigration. In
1951 Senator Nixon introduced a private bill to allow Malaxa permanent
residence. Arrangements for his relocation in Whittier were made by
Nixon’s law office. The dummy front cover for Malaxa in Whittier was
Western Tube. In 1946 Nixon had gotten a call from Herman L. Perry
asking if he wanted to run for Congress against Rep. Jerry Voorhis.
Perry later became president of Western Tube.
    When Malaxa went to Argentina in 1952, he linked
up with Juan Peron and Otto Skorzeny. Questions were raised at the time
about J. Edgar Hoover, the Iron Guard, Malaxa and Vice President Nixon.

 Photo by Wide World

Richard M. Nixon: strange
friends in strange places and occupations

 

1960 Elections: Richard Nixon vs. John F. Kennedy

 

    Before the election of 1960, a group within
the Christian Right plotted to kill John Kennedy in Van Nuys, California
while he was still a candidate. The group was a meld of anti-Castro
Cubans, Minutemen and home-grown nazis. Some were sought by Jim
Garrison, following his arrest of Clay Shaw, for testimony before the
New Orleans grand jury. When Garrison forwarded extradition papers for
Edgar Eugene Bradley, a member of the group, Governor Ronald Reagan
refused to sign them.
    The leader of one of these groups, the Christian
Defense League (CDL), was the Reverend William P. Gale. During the war
Gale had been an Army colonel in the Philippines training guerilla
bands. His superior officer was Willoughby. By the late 1950s Gale was
recruiting veterans for his “Identity” group, which was
financed by a wealthy Los Angeles man.
    One of the CDL’s contacts was Captain Robert K.
Brown, a special forces professional from Fort Benning, Georgia. Brown
was working with anti-Castro Cubans, mercenaries similar to Skorzeny’s
teams. Brown is now publisher of Soldier of Fortune magazine and
paramilitary texts such as Silencers, Snipers, and Assassins. The
book explains how Mitchell WerBell made special weapons for the CIA, Bay
of Pigs assault squads and other customers. WerBell, son of a wealthy
Czarist cavalry officer, perfected a silencer so effective a gun can be
shot in one room and not heard in the next. It is ideal for
assassinations.
    There had been prolonged controversy about how
many shots were fired the day Kennedy was killed. The President’s
wounds, nicks on the limousine and curb, and other bullet evidence
indicated quite a few. But the Warren Commission concluded there were
only three. It took the testimony of spectators in Dealy Plaza who said
they only heard three. It never considered the possibility that
silencer-fitted guns were fired.
    When Clay Shaw was arrested by Jim Garrison the
news was of particular interest to the Italian newspaper Paesa Sera.
It followed up with a story that Shaw belonged to a cover organization
in Rome named Centro Mondiale Commerciale (CMC). Its location was
frequently moved, its presidents rotated; its modus operandi altered.
CMC included Italian fascists, elements of the European paramilitary
right, the CIA, and the U.S. Defense Department. There were major
shareholders with banks located in Switzerland, Miami, Basel and other
major cities.
    CMC had been formed in 1961, one year after
Kennedy was elected. Its principals had worked with fascist networks
established after World War II. The board of directors numbered Ferenc
Nagy, a former Hungarian premier who led that country’s Anti-Communist
Countrymen’s Party in exile. J. Edgar Hoover brought Nagy to the United
States, where there were numerous Gehlen-supported emigre organizations.
On August 18, 1951, the Saturday Evening Post pictured Nagy with
Czech, Pole, Hungarian and Russian exiles under the heading: “They
Want Us To Go to War Right Now.” On November 22, 1963 Nagy was
living in Dallas.
    CMC was actually a subsidiary of Swiss-based
Permindex, whose president was Prince Gutierez de Spadafora, Italian
industrialist and large landowner. Spadafora’s daughter-in-law was
related to Hjalmar Schacht. Clay Shaw, who managed the New Orleans
Intemational Trade Mart, was a director. Another was Giorgio Mantello,
aka George Mandel, who would later move to New Orleans. Once convicted
of “criminal activities” in Switzerland, Mantello worked
closely with his fellow Hungarian Nagy. One of the goals of the CMC was
that “Rome will recover once again her position as center of the
civilized world.”
    Major L. M. Bloomfield, a veteran of the OSS who
resided in Montreal, was a suspect Garrison wanted to question. In
Canada he reportedly controlled Credit Suisse, Heineken’s Breweries,
Israel Continental Company, Grimaldo Siosa Lines and other international
firms. Shaw’s name was found among eleven directors of a company in
Montreal that actually was based in Rome. Who was giving the virtually
unlimited money to CMC, and who was getting it? The answer might have
been found in the huge amounts that flowed out of Evita Peron’s
accounts.
    Paesa Sera reported on March 4, 1967 that
CMC was a creature of the CIA serving as a money conduit, and that Shaw
and Bloomfield conducted illegal political espionage under its cover. In
New Orleans, Shaw was the respected citizen who had helped restore the
French Quarter. In Rome he was a vital member of the boards of twin
companies dealing with fascists accused of European assassinations.
Shaw’s address book contained the private number of Principessa Marcelle
Borghese, now Duchessa de Bomartao, who is related to Prince Valerio
Borghese. Called the “Black Prince” and “The New
Duce,” Borghese was leader of the Movimento Sociale Italiano, a
neo-fascist syndicate. The Black Prince, who was a decorated submarine
captain in the First World War, was convicted of cooperating with the
nazis in WW II and given 12 years in prison.
    The Black Prince is the same Borghese rescued by
the CIA’s James J. Angleton. No wonder Angleton was awarded the
Sovereign Military Order of Malta by the Pope after the war. It might
explain what Angleton was hinting at when questioned about the murder of
JFK: “A mansion has many rooms; there were many things during the
period; I’m not privy to who struck John.”
    Clay Shaw’s affiliation with Permindex would
plug in later to Argentina, Spain, Rome, New Orleans and Dallas. The
international range of hit teams, using CIA money diverted overseas to
cover companies set up by the Gehlen Organization, started coming
together after Shaw’s arrest.
    In November, 1960 it would be Nixon versus
Kennedy. Frank Sinatra introduced Judith Exner to John Kennedy on the
eve of the New Hampshire primary. A few weeks later Sinatra introduced
Judith Exner to Chicago Mafia boss Sam Giancana. So Exner became
involved, as William Safire put it, in a “dual affair with the
nation’s most powerful mobster and the nation’s most powerful political
leader.”
    Giancana was busy with more than his love life;
he was hired to form assassination teams to go after Fidel Castro. The
man who retained him was Robert Maheu, a former FBI and CIA operative.
It was a classic cutoff. Maheu never mentioned that the CIA was behind
it. He intimated to Giancana that wealthy Cuban exiles were providing
the funds. This sounded plausible, since Maheu was Howard Hughes’
right-hand man.
    Giancana put his Los Angeles lieutenant, Johnny
Roselli, in charge of the hit squads. In 1978 when the House Select
Committee questioned him, Roselli hinted that his assignment was aimed
at Kennedy as well as Castro. Shortly afterward, his body was found
floating in an oil drum off the Florida coast. Giancana never got a
chance to testify. He was shot to death in his Chicago home.
    The Howard Hughes organization, used as a cover
for the kill-Castro conspiracy, (Hughes thought it was a patriotic idea)
has long retained Carl Byoir Associates as its public relations arm.
Throughout the war Byoir represented nazi bankers and industrialists and
the I.G. Farben interests. One of his clients was Ernest Schmitz, member
of the I.G. Farben-Ilgner and the German American Board of Trade. His
Information Services was subsidized by the nazi government. George
Sylvester Viereck, editor of the German Library of Information, was also
in business with Byoir. A lucrative Byoir client was the Frederick Flick
Group. Flick, a Nuremberg defendant released by McCloy, was the single
greatest power behind the nazi military muscle.
    Frederick Flick’s son was close to the W.R.
Grace Company, and invested over $400,000 in partnership with J. Peter
Grace in the United States. During the war, WR. Grace was accused in a
military report of protecting a certain nazi Colonel Brite in Bolivia.
In 1951, when the CIA smuggled Barbie out of Germany, he was sent to
join the same Colonel Brite. George de Mohrenschildt was a close
associate of the company’s founder, William Grace.
    De Mohrenschildt was a man of many faces. He
befriended Lee and Marina Oswald, introducing them to the White Russian
community. He made phone calls to obtain Lee jobs and housing. As he
told it to the Warren Commission, he was fascinated with this strange
couple just out of Russia. But at the Petroleum Club in Dallas, De
Mohrenschildt sang the praises of Heinrich Himmler. His travels took him
all over the world on missions identified with intelligence. In 1956 he
was employed by Pantepec Oil Company owned by the family of William
Buckley.
    De Mohrenschildt often discussed Oswald with J.
Walton Moore, the CIA’s Domestic Contacts Division resident in Dallas.
In the spring of 1963, just after visiting the Oswalds, he went to
Washington. There is a record of a phone call de Mohrenschildt made on
May 7, 1963, to the Army Chief of Staff for intelligence. The same month
he had a meeting in person with a member of that staff. His military
connections seem to have been wide. One of the first persons de
Mohrenschildt took the Oswalds to see in Dallas was retired Admiral
Chester Burton.

 Photo by Wide World

Lee Harvey Oswald’s
benefactor was Texas oil millionaire George de Mohrenschildt

    Although De Mohrenschildt and his wife Jeanne
testified at length before the Warren Commission, only attorney Albert
Jenner and Pentagon historian Alfred Goldberg attended. One of Jenner’s
clients was General Dynamics, maker of the F-lll fighter that would
achieve fame in Vietnam. The chief of security for General Dynamics in
Dallas, Max Clark, was another De Mohrenschildt associate donating money
to help Marina while George got Lee his next job in Dallas. He found one
at the graphics house of Jagger-Chiles-Stovall, which held classified
military contracts.
    Jeanne de Mohrenschildt was originally brought
to the U.S. by a family member employed by the Howard Hughes
organization. In 1977 George was found fatally shot, allegedly a
suicide, on the day a House Select Committee investigator came by
looking for him. Jeanne consented to a press interview. She said George
had been a nazi spy.
    The placement de Mohrenschildt got for Oswald
allowed him to visit the Sol Bloom agency at least 40 times. It was this
agency that later decided the motorcade route for Kennedy’s fatal visit.
    Ruth Paine, whom Oswald met via George, had
called Roy Truly and procured work for Oswald at the Texas School Book
Depository.
 
   If Maydell and the Gehlen agents were
active in the U.S. they knew all the right moves to secure their patsy.

1960: Young Americans for Freedom

 

    President Harry Truman warned about the CIA
“Gestapo” he had created.
    President Eisenhower left the White House
fearing the new “military-industrial complex” he handed to us.
    In 1960 candidate Richard Nixon was qualified
for the job of President. A lot of influential people were sure he was
the only choice.
    Nixon was familiar with every red scare tactic.
From his first campaign against Jerry Voorhis in 1946 for the House
seat, or vs. Helen Douglas in the Senate, and working with Sen. Joe
McCarthy, he knew it well. The prosecution of Alger Hiss, with such
flimsy evidence, proved his value alone.
    But Nixon had also accumulated strong
connections with members of the crime syndicate, the Vatican hierarchy,
defense industries and known nazis. He knew them all.
    What if he lost after those seventeen years of
preparation? Would there be a back-up team for the future? Could the
Pentagon or Reinhard Gehlen visualize leaving the entire United States
presidency to chance elections?
        Remember what happened
to Senator Robert Kennedy on the eve of his primary election in June,
1968? They can’t get that close to losing it again, you know. With both
Kennedy’s gone, Nixon finally made it.
    September, 1960, two months before the
elections, William F. Buckley Jr. launched his YAF, Young Americans for
Freedom, from the grounds on his Connecticut estate.
    Prior to that date, Buckley’s career was one of
the most conservative in the U.S. Following his graduation at Yale,
mentor Frank Chodorov grabbed him for purposes related to his job with
McCormick’s Chicago Tribune.
    Buckley served the CIA in Japan from 1950 to
1954.
    He also did a stint with CIA in Mexico with E.
Howard Hunt.
    Co-founder of YAF was Douglas Caddy, whose
offices were used by the CIA and Howard Hughes organization, at the time
of Watergate illegal entries and other dirty tricks.
    After the CIA in Japan, Buckley was ready to
publish his own magazine, The National Review. This was an
unusual opportunity to bring together the world’s most conservative
writers for publication and much propaganda accompanied by Buckley’s
glib innuendos.
    Once the publication was going, Buckley decided
to bring Young Americans for Freedom to the campus; old ideas, old
money, and young minds to mold. Behind the project were always the
well-funded military masters, such as the YAF’s Tom Charles Huston and
the Cointel-Program Nixon cooked up.
    The selected advisory board for YAF was a Who’s
Who of oldies even then: Senator Strom Thurmond, Senator John Tower, Mr.
Ronald Reagan, Professor Lev Dobriansky, General Charles Willoughby, and
Mr. Robert Morris are a sample.
    Robert Morris may not be a household name. But
William Buckley knew him well, and Morris, Nixon, and Senator Joe
McCarthy were team players. Senator Joe McCarthy’s two strongest
supporters for him to represent Wisconsin were Frank Seusenbrenner and
Walter Harnisfeger. Both admired Adolf Hitler and made continuous trips
to Germany.
    Senator McCarthy obliged fast enough. Before he
went after the Commies in the State Department, he had to release a few
of Hitler’s elite nazis lingering in the Dachau prison camp. McCarthy
beat John McCloy by about three years.
    In 1949, during congressional hearings on the
Malmedy Massacre, the bloody Battle of the Bulge, McCarthy invited
himself to take over the entire testimony. He wasn’t satisfied until the
prison doors flew open. The most detestable and ugly battle of World War
II, an assault upon Americans and civilians in Belgium, was ignored.
Hitler’s precious Generals Fritz Kraemer and Sepp Dietrick, along with
Hermann Priess and many others, were free.
    With that business finished, McCarthy took on
Robert Morris as Chief Counsel for the Senate Internal Security
Subcommittee. Morris’ earlier training in Navy Intelligence in charge of
USSR counter-intelligence and psychological warfare could be utilized
well by Senator Joe. Particularly the psychological warfare part.
    After McCarthy died, Morris moved to Dallas,
Texas. He was a judge, and became president of Dallas University.
    In 1961, a year after Buckley founded YAF,
another conservative organization was formed in Munich, Germany, calling
itself CUSA, Conservatism USA. These were not students, but members of
the U.S. army, soon to be mustered out, then to appear in Dallas, Texas,
by November 1963. The host would be Robert Morris.
    A correspondence between Larry Schmidt in
Dallas, to Bernie Weissman in Munich, Germany, in preparation for their
arrival, was published in the Warren Commission Hearings, Vol.
XVIII.
    Segments of the letters are as follows:

November 2, 1962: Dallas to Munich, Larry Schmidt:

“Gentlemen we got everything we wanted.”

“It saved the trouble of infiltration.”

“Met with Frank McGee … (president of the Dallas Council of
World Affairs.)”

“Suggest Bernie convert to Christianity and I mean it.”

(Bernard Weissman, the only Jew, was brought all the way to Dallas
on November 22, 1963, to lend his name to the “Wanted for
Treason” fliers handed out to welcome JFK. He testified that the
John Birch Society paid for the ads and “wanted a Jewish name at
the bottom.”)

“We must all return to the church.”

“These people are religious bugs.”

“I think in terms of 300,000 members, $3,000,000.”

“The John Birch Society has a million members. Look for us to
merge with them in 1964.”

“Arrangements are being made for me to meet the heads of the
Dallas John Birch, General Walker, and H.L. Hunt, Texas oil
millionaire.”

(General Walker had been retired from the military by John Kennedy
for his compulsory Pro-Blud indoctrination.)

“I have already met the top editors of the Dallas Morning
News, the country’s most conservative newspaper.”

“These people are radicals but there is a method in their
madness. You see, they’re all after exactly what we’re after.”

“No liberal talk whatsoever, none.”

“Down here a Negro is a nigger.”

“I mean, no one is ever to say one kind word about
niggers.”

“Liberals are our enemies.”

“The conservative isn’t against the Niggers, he just wants to
keep him in his place for his own good.”

(Pres. John Kennedy and Atty. Gen. Robert Kennedy had waged a
bitter battle from Sept. 30 to Oct. 3, 1962, at the University of
Mississippi. The integration of one black student brought in the U.S.
Army and caused Gen. Edwin Walker to be confined.)

January 4, 1963, Larry Schmidt to B. Weissman, Munich:

“I want big men … believe me if I had a dozen such men I can
conquer the world.”

“I will go down in the history books as a great and noble man,
or a tyrant.”

“I expect to see you here in Dallas, especially Norman and
Larry.”

“If Jim Mosely is not here by Feb. 15, he is finished.”

“One thing had best be understood, I am not playing games here
in Dallas and expect you not to play games in Munich.”

“I am not here in Dallas for my health or because I think
Dallas is a wonderful place.”

“Continue to have regular meetings and try to get things back
in order in preparation for the big meetings.”

February 2, 1963, Larry Schmidt:

“We have succeeded, the mission with which I was charged in
Dallas has been achieved.”

“Friday night I attended a gathering of the top conservatives
in Dallas.”

“The meeting was at the home of Dr. Robert Morris, President
of the Defenders of American Liberty.”

“Present were Mr. George Ward, Detective for Dallas City
Police, Mr. Ken Thompson, editorial writer for the Dallas Morning
News, Mr. Clyde Moore, former PR man for H.L. Hunt, former UPI writer.
(Eight others).”

“I told them exactly what I wanted.”

“Others suggested using an already existing movement, named
the Young Americans for Freedom, with already 50,000 members.”

“CUSA, as set up in Munich, is now an established fact in
Dallas, only we are calling it YAF. I think you catch on.”

“We are starting Munich chapters of YAF. To spread to
Stuttgart, Frankfurt, Heidelberg, Berlin, Kaiserslautern.”

“We are getting every top name in business, education,
politics, and religion to endorse YAF.”

“The advisory board includes 37 congressmen . . . including
Sen. Strom Thurmond, Sen. John Tower, and Sen. Barry Goldwater. There
is Ronald Reagan, Gen. Mark Clark, Gen. Charles Willoughby, John
Wayne, etc.”

“Change all your records to read YAF.”

“All those months in Munich were not wasted. I accomplished my
task in Dallas. I need you here soon. I sold these people on each of
you and they are expecting you to come to Dallas and play an important
role.”

“The days of leisure are over.”

“We want to see you, Norman, Jim and Bill Burley back here in
Dallas.”

“Sheila and my brother will be here in August; Ken Glazebrook
in Sept.”

June 13, 1963, Larry Schmidt to B. Weissman in Munich,
Germany:

“Warren Carroll, our only other recruit to CUSA, is already a
PhD and two MS’s. Warren is a scriptwriter for Lifeline, the H.L. Hunt
television and radio series. Hunt is the millionaire oilman.”

“Warren is 32, former CIA man. Don’t worry, he has been
checked out.”

“Hunt checked him out.”

(This appears to be a military action, DIA. They have to check out
the CIA man, using Hunt’s security).

After Jack Ruby was arrested for killing Oswald inside the Dallas
jail, there were copies of Warren Carroll’s Lifeline on the seat of his
car. The section was on “Heroism,” on how to become a
“hero.” This is interesting because one of the first reasons
Ruby gave for killing Oswald was, “I wanted to show them a Jew had
guts.”

“We want to get Norman into the Republic National Bank …
where we are building our credit like crazy for the day we need ready
cash.”

(The Dallas Republic National Bank was identified by the Washington
Post
, February 26, 1967, as a conduit of CIA funds since 1958.)

(Connie Trammel, who worked at the Republic National Bank,
accompanied Jack Ruby to the office of Lamar Hunt, Wednesday, Nov. 20,
1963, two days before Kennedy was assassinated.)

October 1, 1963, Larry Schmidt to Munich, Germany:

“I have a lot of contacts, bankers, insurance men,
realtors.”

“My brother began working as an aide to General Walker. Paid
full time.”

“National Indignation Committee will merge in the Fall of
1963, as soon as Bernie and Norman are in Dallas.”

“This is a top secret merger and is not to be discussed
outside the movement.”

October 29, 1963, Larry Schmidt to Munich Germany:

“This town is a battleground and that is no joke. I am a hero
to the right, a stormtrooper to the left.”

“I have worked out a deal with the chairman of YAF. The
arrangements are always delicate, very delicate. If I don’t produce
the bodies it is likely Dale (Davenport) will think me a phoney.”

“He needs our help now. Adlai Stevenson is scheduled here on
the 24th.”

“Kennedy is scheduled in Dallas on November 24.”

“All big things are happening now.”

1963: A few connections in Dallas — Gen. Walter
Dorberger, Michael and Ruth Paine

 

    When George de Mohrenschildt was busy
introducing Lee and Marina to the Dallas-Ft. Worth White Russian
displaced Czarists, he managed to keep the social level equal with his
American contacts.
    One casual dinner in the company of Michael and
Ruth Paine, and that was enough meeting to set the Oswalds’ course.
George and Jeane didn’t have to meet with them again.
    Ruth Paine would provide housing for Marina
while Lee went to New Orleans. A few weeks later, she drove Marina to
join Lee. After summer vacation at Wood’s Hole, Mass., Ruth returned and
brought Marina to her home in Irving, Texas, while Lee was on the bus to
Mexico with Albert Osborne/John Bowen, and four other Solidarists from
the Russian network.
    After Kennedy was murdered, the Dallas police
rushed to the Paine’s home. From that garage and elsewhere, via the
Paines, came most of the incriminating evidence against Oswald.
    The alleged murder weapon never could be proven
by the Warren Commission as ever having come from their garage.
    The cropped photo that Life printed with
Oswald holding a rifle came from a box removed from the garage, taken to
the police department, then returned the next day, with nobody present
to indicate where it came from.
    Accessory after the fact, the letter was
delivered to Marina in December undated and unsigned, to cover up
General Walker’s anxiety to blame a “Communist,” Lee, for
shooting at him in April and came from Ruth to Marina. It wasn’t in the
home before then. The Warren Commission required planted evidence
sometimes in order to divert from Lee Oswald’s links to the Defense
Department, assisted by Ruth and Michael Paine.
    Michael Paine’s occupation at Bell Aircraft is
the Defense Department. This job requires security clearances, so what
would the unlikely Oswalds be doing in his home? Oswald, the
“defector?”
    Paine’s boss at Bell Aircraft as Director of
Research and Development, was none other than the noterious war criminal
General Walter Dornberger.
    Dornberger was supposed to be hanged at
Nuremburg for his war crimes, slave labor and mass murders.
    The British warned the U.S. not to let him live
because even after the war he was conniving for another one. As stated,
“Dornberger is a menace of the first order who is untrustworthy.
His attitude will turn ally against ally and he would become a source of
irritation and future unrest.” (Project Paperclip. Clarence
Lasby.)
    The very first call to authorities after the gun
went off on November 22, 1963, was from an employee at Bell Helicopter
who suggested “Oswald did it.” Police never located the source
of both Oswald addresses that day.
    Michael Paine took Lee to a meeting with General
Edwin Walker shortly before the assassination. Soon Oswald would be
charged with having shot Walker in April, and Walker would be calling
his nazi cronies in Germany 24 hours after JFK was killed telling them
he finally solved “who shot through his window” seven months
earlier: the same Oswald.
    Who were the Paines? To believe the Warren
Commission and the CIA staff of lawyers, they were Mr. and Mrs. Good
Neighbor, all heart, altruistic. Ruth simply wanted to learn more
Russian from a native. For that price, she housed Marina, a two-year-old
daughter, a new infant, with all the fuss and mess of three extras in a
tiny house.
    Michael Paine was a descendant of the Cabots on
both sides. His cousin Thomas Dudley Cabot, former president of United
Fruit, had offered their Gibraltar Steamship as a cover for the CIA
during the Bay of Pigs. Another cousin was Alexander Cochrane Forbes, a
director of United Fruit and trustee of Cabot, Cabot, and Forbes.
    Both Allen Dulles and John J. McCloy were part
of the United Fruit team. The Paine family had links with circles of the
OSS and the CIA.
    Ruth Hyde Paine maintained close ties with the
Forbes families. Peter Dale Scott investigated the Paines, “the
patrician Paine and Forbes families.” A far cry from anybody’s
neighbor.
    Michael’s education came as a tradition, third
generation physicist at Harvard before working for Bell Helicopter.
    The British were correct on the Dornberger
evaluation.
    Another clue to Albert Speer, the Reichmaster
for Munitions and War Production, and General Dornberger, is their
meeting as early as April, 1943.
    When it was obvious to Hitler they would be
losing the war against the USSR, all top Nazis made detailed plans for
two years on how to proceed next.
    Speer met with Dornberger, at Peenemunde, the
missile and rocket factory run with Werner Von Braun, and instructed him
in “the dispersion of functions throughout the Reich.”
    Translated, that meant get ready to come to the
U.S.

Lee Harvey Oswald, Albert Osborne

 

    When Lee Harvey Oswald entered Mexico at
Laredo, Texas, on Sept. 26, 1963, his companion on the Red Arrow bus was
Albert Osborne, alias John Howard Bowen.
    Bowen-Osborne had been running a school for
highly professional marksmen in Oaxaca, Mexico, since 1934. The cover
for the place was his particular mission, and he was the missionary.
    The FBI records on Bowen go back to June 4,
1942, in Henderson Springs, Tennessee. He operated a camp for boys known
as “Campfire Council.” Neighbors complained it was for pro-nazi
activities with young fascists. Bowen vehemently opposed the U.S. going
to war with nazi Germany. They stomped on the American flag.
    Before that, Bowen worked for the Tennessee
Valley Authority since 1933.
    His dual citizenship between Great Britain and
the U.S. took him over the entire globe. So did his use of multiple
aliases.
    After the Warren Commission published their
report in September 1964, several attorneys in the Southwest recognized
the name of Osborne.
    September 8, 1952, Jake Floyd was murdered. The
target was meant to be his father, District Judge Floyd. Two suspects
were caught, one got away. Their testimony was about being hired by
Osborne and how he ran the school for assassins.
    Later investigation revealed Osborne’s
connections to Division V of the FBI, and to Clay Shaw’s Centro Mondiale
Commerciale, with funding coming from New Orleans for the CIA,
Anti-Castro Cubans, and others.
    Lee Harvey Oswald applied for a tourist card to
enter Mexico while still in New Orleans on September 17, 1963.
    Four other persons, having consecutive tourist
numbers, departed nine days later, like Oswald, all to arrive at the
same time, entering from several different cities. They were part of the
White Russian Solidarists, the Gehlen emigre community that Lee and
Marina mingled with.
    This assassination team funded Maurice Brooks
Gatlin, Guy Bannister, and the Miami office of Double Check Corporation.
    J. Edgar Hoover’s Division V, Domestic
Intelligence, working with the American Council of Christian Churches,
had used this group from the Bowen-Osborne academy of assassins.
    Volume XXV of the Hearings has many pages of
interviews with people who had sent money to Jack Bowen. They never met
him, and some like Mrs. Bessie White, Pikesville, Tenn., mailed
“$35 a month to John Howard Bowen who she believed had been doing
missionary work for 18 years in Mexico.” Osborne-Bowen had a
mission.
    Lee Harvey Oswald, agent from U.S. Defense
Dept., had a team of doubles impersonating his behavior, leaving trails
of anti-American frustration and meetings with various people.
    While Oswald was in Mexico just prior to
Kennedy’s murder, the purposes were concealed. Meanwhile, the CIA and
various authorities led Oswald to the Cuban Embassy, the Soviet Embassy.
When the face or voices didn’t match the authentic Oswald, it didn’t
matter, given a difference of 40 to 50 pounds and shape. What came from
all this was the conclusion that Oswald had really wanted to go to Cuba
next. Which Oswald, and why?
    This was to finalize with the illusion of an
Oswald-Castro admiration just days before Kennedy would be killed.

Senator John Tower and Marina Oswald

 

    One of the most consistent conservatives
among Buckley’s YAF Advisory Board was Senator John Tower, Texas.
    If there is anything he wouldn’t want in his
back yard it was a defector and his allegedly Communist wife from Minsk.
    Yet, two years after joining the YAF team in
1960, Tower was passing all waivers in order for Marina Oswald to get to
the United States as soon as possible. Without his permission, this trip
might never have taken place. Many wives from the USSR are not that
lucky.
    March 22, 1962, Senator Tower cooperated.
“The sanctions imposed on immigration and nationality are hereby
waived in behalf of Mrs. Oswald. The file check on Marina by the FBI,
CIA, Dept. of Security Office, Division of biographical intelligence and
passport office,” (Volume XXIV, 298).
    George de Mohrenschildt testified in Volume IX,
pages 228-229, “Marina Oswald’s father had been a Czarist officer
of some kind. I don’t remember whether it was army or navy.”
    Her real father was never identified by name in
all of the testimony.
    Between 1948 and 1950 over 200 Byelorussian
nazis and their families were brought to New Jersey. Both George de
Mohrenschildt and Marina had come from Minsk, part of the Byelorussian
area.
    The Gehlen nazi emigres were useful to every
part of the Kennedy assassination cover-up.
    John Tower knew Marina was a safe bet.
Otherwise, why the hurry? Our CIA and the Defense Department knew all
there was to know about both Oswalds. Therefore, Tower signed the
immigration papers fast.

The Argentine Connections: Isaac Dan Levine and the
Ziger Family

 

    The Warren Report wasn’t published until
September, 1964. Testimony of witnesses and exhibits were being
collected up to the day of printing.
    Yet as early as June 2, 1964, Isaac Don Levine,
another arch-enemy of Communists and a so-called expert on the Soviet
mind, was arranging with the Warren Commission staff to bring the
daughters of Oswald’s boss, Alexander Ziger, from the Minsk Radio
factory to Argentina. He suggested using CIA assistance.
    What was that about?
    “When the Oswalds left Russia they smuggled
out a message to one of the relatives of the Zigers living in the U.S.
They wanted help to get the Zigers’ daughters out of Russia. The
daughters, having been born in Argentina, could claim Argentine
citizenship. Levine suggested some confidential source in the American
Government such as the CIA should contact the Argentine Government to
set machinery in motion. (Memorandum from W. David Slauson: Conference
with Mr. Isaac Don Levine, May 23, 1964).
    January 21, 1964, John J. McCloy told Commission
members, before any witness was yet called, “this fellow Levine is
a contact with Marina to break the story up in a little more graphic
manner and tie it into a Russian business, and it is with the thought
and background of Russian connections, conspiracy concept.”
    If there was a Russian conspiracy to kill
President John Kennedy, John McCloy, Isaac Don Levine, Allen Dulles, and
J. Edgar Hoover, not to speak of Nixon and others, would squeeze that
out.
    Remember Gary Powers strongly hinted at Oswald’s
role in downing the U-2, breaking up the Eisenhower-Khrushchev meeting
while Lee was employed at the Minsk Radio factory?
    Nicolae Malaxa, Otto Skorzeny, and international
CIA-DIA agents were thick in both Minsk and Argentina. It was Alexander
Ziger and his family who introduced Lee to Marina Oswald. That same
evening they were at the home of an unidentified woman just returned
from the U.S.
    The President of the U.S. had been murdered in
1963.
    Six months later the CIA is supposed to assist
the Ziger daughters?
    One more connection to Richard Nixon.
    When poor Whittaker Chambers almost collapsed
from the strain of having to testify against Alger Hiss, it was Isaac
Don Levine who took “Chambers by the arm, a reluctant Chambers, and
arranged the meetings where he would begin to smear Hiss.” (Friendship
and Fratricide
, Meyer Zelig).
    When Levine was searching for a Soviet
connection to Kennedy’s death, he was also doing business with Marina’s
new manager, James Martin. It was Martin who was selling the photo of
Oswald posing with Communist literature and a rifle, the same evidence
pulled from the Paine’s garage. Notice the similarity to the Whittaker
Chambers pumpkin papers years earlier that launched Nixon’s political
career and convicted Alger Hiss.
    If the evidence didn’t fit the conclusions of
the investigators, the one picture would sell the Oswald assassin story.

“Treason for My Daily Bread” — Argentina and
Martin Bormann

 

    In August 1971, a French paper headlined a
news story, “Martin Bormann behind the Kennedy murders.” It
listed an international band of killers that was located in Texas. They
carried out the two assassinations at the German command.
    Six years later, June 8, 1977, the London
Guardian reported, “Bormann Linked with Kennedy Murder.” This
story was based on a new book titled, Treason for My Daily Bread
by Mikhail Lebedev.
    Lebedev detailed how Martin Bonnann left Europe,
established his current life in Paraguay, and how the fatal head shot to
Kennedy was delivered by an agent paid by Bormann, alias of Zed.
    Is any of this true?
    Many of these allegations and names come
together with both Paris Flammonde’s The Kennedy Conspiracy and
the Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal, known as the Torbitt
Document.
    “Zed” allegedly used a .45 for the
final shot.
    Buddy Walters, murdered January 10, 1969, picked
up a .45 slug in Dealey Plaza and gave it to the Dallas Police.
    There were two possible assassination teams in
Dallas.
    The military from Munich, Germany, that was to
take over the YAF, with Robert Morris’ help, have yet to be identified
or interviewed (Morris from U.S. intelligence, having to do with USSR
covert work.) Gen. Edwin Walker’s arrangement with U.S. Military in
Germany or, the arrival of such people for Nov. 22, 1963, is open to
question.
    Albert Osborne’s “mission” in Mexico,
with direct links to Clay Shaw’s Centro Mondiale Commerciale, has never
been touched. This was the international band of killers with the
Borghese-James Angleton operations working throughout the world.
    Otto Skorzeny’s CIA and Reinhard Gehlen death
squads, with headquarters in Madrid, were funded by Martin Bormann when
the Evita Peron funds were shared after 1952.
    Lebedev mentions “Ruth,” David Ferrie,
Clay Shaw, Guy Bannister, and Colonel Orlov.
    The very first day George de Mohrenschildt
visited Marina Oswald she was alone and Lee was working. He brought with
him a “Colonel Orlov.”
    The House Select Committee on Assassinations
“investigated” the murder of President John F. Kennedy from
1976-1978. The information about Bormann was available from 1971. Treason
for My Daily Bread
was published while they were supposed to be
finding the smoking gun.
    G. Robert Blakey, Chief Consul for the
Committee, refused to admit any research or documents on these subjects.
He would hang up the telephone and even refused to say if he had ever
seen the Torbitt Document.
    Six million dollars was allotted by Congress to
investigate the assassination of President Kennedy. Martin Bormann may
have had his motives for his actions through the years. What were G.
Robert Blakey’s? What form of prosecution should be suggested for
committees paid to uncover the truth who continuously sweep under the
rug?
    In A Study of a Master Spy, published in
London in 1961, Bob Edwards, a member of Parliament and Kenneth Dunne,
presented documentary evidence that Allen Dulles of the CIA carried on
secret conferences with representatives of Hitler’s SS Security Office
in February and March 1943. They learned that “Official Washington
knew Martin Bormann, Deputy Fuhrer of Hitler’s Germany, master-minded
the international ‘Die Spinne’ (Spider) underground organization which
is planning to revive nazism as soon as West Germany is adequately
rearmed by the United States. Official Washington seems
disinterested.”
    With John J. McCloy, Allen Dulles and J. Edgar
Hoover in control of the Kennedy assassination investigation, these nazi
connections were buried.

 

 

The CIA’s Man: The Chronology of Helmet Streikher

 

 


 

1937: Trained
for the Gustapo’s S.S Officers. A graduate of The
University of Bonn Germany. Went to Military School at
Blutordensberg, located at Vogelsang Castle.

1938: Assigned
to Spain to join General Francisco Franco.

1939-1940: In
the U.S. he learned English and American customs. His cover was
as a German journalist working for Adolph Hitler.

1940-1941: Was
with Reinhard Gehlen in Eastern Europe. He will join Gehlen when
they are both working for Army intelligence.

1943-1945:
Streikher worked with Skorzeny.

1945: May 7,
1945, Streikher surrenders to Allies and is cleared for
intelligence, accepted for U.S. Army by October 1945.

1946-1947: He
works for the OSS (Officers of Strategic Services) in Europe,
Central Intelligence Group. CIG.

1948-1950:
Streikher was stationed in Israel, Greece, Europe, Africa and
Middle East. OSS becomes CIA.

1951-1957: CIA
assigned back to General Gehlen, now in his German offices of
the BND.

1958: In the
U.S. Training Army Intelligence offices and CIA.

1958-1961:
Helps plan Cuban Invasion. Active in the Bay of Pigs.

1961-1965: He
was in Africa, Middle East, and United States on CIA assignment.
On November 22, 1963, he said, “One of the worst kept
secrets in the C, is the truth about the President’s murder. It
wasn’t Castro or the Russians. The men who killed Mr. Kennedy
were CIA contract agents.”
   “John Kennedy’s murder was a two-part
conspiracy murder. One was the action end with the killers; the
other was the deeper part, the acceptance and protection of that
murder by the Intelligence aparatus that controls the way the
world operates.”
   “It had to happen. The man was too
independent for his own good.”

1968-1970:
Senior Field Agent for CIA. Disguised as a writer.

1971-1973: Back
in the United States. Langley, Virginia, training and making
plans under assignment.

1974-1977:
Under George Bush, director of CIA, Streikher sent to Africa and
Middle East.

1978-1980:
Contract agent on special assignment for CIA. June 15, 1980 he
retired.

Other Known Aliases:
U.S. Army officer Captain William Raine, also known as Ross
Meyers, Hans Mollof, Karl Rolff, and Mark Schmidt. He had nine
(9) other pieces of identification in other names and
nationalities, some in the form of passports.

 


 

The Bunge Corporation, Argentina & Germany

 

    The stock market dropped 24 points in 27
minutes when news of President Kennedy’s assassination was announced.
2.6 million shares were sold off. It was the greatest panic since 1929.
    Somebody made a huge profit selling short in
many markets.
    Somebody made half a billion dollars in one day.
Coincidentally, the Allied Crude Vegetable Oil Refining Corporation,
headed by New Jersey commodities dealer Anthony De Angeles, crashed the
same day, driving the market down.
    Allied Crude was controlled by U.S. American
Bunge Corporation and financially controlled by a group of share-holders
headquartered in Argentina, known as “Bunge and Born, LDA.”
    Business Week of October 19, 1963, one month
before the Kennedy assassination, described the Born family in
Argentina, the biggest shareholders for Bunge, as being from Europe,
specifically Germany.
    Everything about Bunge has German influence.
They have a $2 billion annual business in 80 countries. There are over
110 offices, all linked by Telex and under-the-ocean telegraph channels.
The Bunge Corporation is referred to as “the Octopus.”
    The book Were We Controlled? detailed the
relationship of the Bunge Corporation, the foreknowledge of Kennedy’s
murder, and the Argentine-German connections.

General Edwin Walker and the Hitler Nazis

 

    The Eagle’s Nest, now a mountain restaurant,
was given to Adolf Hitler by nazi aide Martin Bormann for the fuhrer’s
50th birthday. It is not far from Hitler’s former summer home in
Berchtesgaden.
    Nearby is the Platterhof Hotel, built for guests
when they came to pay their respects. The Platterhof has changed its
name to the General Walker Hotel.
    November 23, 1963, one day after Kennedy’s
death, Gen. Edwin Walker called Munich, Germany, from Shreveport, La.
    Walker’s important story, via transatlantic
telephone, was to the nazi newspaper Deutsche National Zeitung un
Soldaten-Zeitung. Walker couldn’t wait to tell them in Munich that Lee
Harvey Oswald, the lone suspect in the Dallas murders, was the same
person who shot through his window in April, 1963.
    There was never one shred of evidence, or a
reliable witness, that could make this connection Dallas police and FBI
were taken by surprise.
    In order to cover this over-exuberance of trying
to link a Marxist assassin to this altercation, it became necessary to
have Ruth Paine deliver that ridiculous letter to Marina Oswald on
December 3, 1964. The delayed letter was to have been written the night
Lee was out shooting in Walker’s home.
    The only piece of bullet that remained in
custody was never positively identified as coming from the 6.5
Mannlicher Carcano, and there is no proof Oswald even handled this
rifle.
    Why was General Walker in such a hurry to get
his information printed in Germany before anybody in Dallas ever heard
about it?
    Kurt-George Kiesinger had just been installed as
Chancellor of West Germany and Franz-Josef Straus as finance minister.
    Kissinger entered the radio propaganda division
of nazi Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop at age 36. He was then directing
a world-wide radio propaganda apparatus with 195 specialists under his
supervision during the war. He was the liaison officer, coordinating his
department’s work with that of Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels.
    Richard Nixon and Kurt-George Kiesinger were
soon, or maybe before, to become pals. Nixon tried to hide his nazi
past.
    But General Walker, now home from military
service in Munich, knew the importance of such propaganda. He was
calling the same people who, under Hitler, published and controlled the
newspapers.
    There were two motives for this call.
    First, it gave international attention to the
fact that Oswald, the Marxist gunman, was shooting at Walker as well as
the President.
    General Walker knew too many people in the
Defense Department and in the Dallas-Fort Worth area that could be part
of this assassination. He made himself appear as a victim instead of a
suspect.
    The other reason, along with the expertise of
Robert Morris’s counter-intelligence and psychological warfare training,
was to create a profile for Lee Harvey Oswald.
    No possible motive could explain why Oswald
would really want to kill President Kennedy. By having Oswald appear to
shoot the right-wing General Walker with his John Birch connections, his
militant anti-communist stance, then shoot John Kennedy, the same
Commie-symp Walker was accusing of treason, it would appear that Oswald
was just nuts. He didn’t know right from left.
    The Munich newspaper Walker called was linked to
the World Movement for a Second Anti-Komintern, part of the Gehlen and
U.S. right.
    Some of Hitler’s ex-nazis and SS-men were on the
Staff.
    The editor, Gerhard Frey, was a close friend
with various nazi members of the Witiko League. The Witiko League and
the Sudetendeutch Landsmannscraft were organizations for displaced
refugees. By the summer of 1948 they formed large organizations and by
1955 Dr. Walter Becher was elected to the executive board of the Witiko
League. Becher was one of the kingpins of nazi front organizations.
    Sen. Joe McCarthy, Charles Willoughby, Gen.
Edwin Walker, and Robert Morris’ links to the German nazis converged
when Dr. Walter Becher set up offices in Washington, D.C. in 1950.
    By July 16, 1957, Becher, praised by American
Opinion and other extreme right publications, started his policy of
liberation. General Douglas MacArthur, Senator Joe McCarthy, General
Willoughby, members of the U.S. Congress or public officials then
started openly to meet with and cooperate with the nazi resurgence.
    Dan Smooth, former Dallas FBI agent is the type
of person who kept strong nazi ties with Dr. Becher in Munich, to
Western Goals today. His printed sheets were identical to the Goebbels
propaganda years ago, or to Walker’s disinformation one day after
Kennedy was killed.
    Volkmar Schmidt came from Munich, Germany, to
work full time for General Walker. How long did he work, and where was
he on November 23, 1963, when Walker made the call to the same city the
CUSA imports came from?
    The YAF crowd in Dallas was an interesting gang:
Col. Charles Willoughby, intelligence Chief for S. Pacific, Robert
Morris, U.S. counter-intelligence and psychological warfare, Gen Edwin
Walker, brought home from Munich by JFK, William Buckley, CIA in Japan,
Mexico, and elsewhere, Sen. John Tower, who gave the okay for Marina
Oswald.

1964: The Warren Commission

 

    President Lyndon Johnson was forced to select
a commission to investigate the assassination of President Kennedy and
the murder of Lee Harvey Oswald by Jack Ruby.
    Texas authorities were supposed to do the
original investigation.
    There were too many suspicious people around the
world who believed a conspiracy existed. Those rumors had to be
squelched.
    J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI never budged from its
conclusion that Lee Harvey acted alone. Whatever evidence didn’t fit
this decision was ignored.
    Twenty-six volumes of witness testimony and
exhibits were published. 8000 copies were sold. No more reprints. The
contradiction between the conclusions of the Warren Report, and
the abundance of discrepancies in the other volumes, makes fascinating
reading.
    Chief Justice Earl Warren, John J. McCloy, and
Allen Dulles were the logical choices for LBJ.
    President Kennedy didn’t trust Allen Dulles as
CIA Director. Now JFK was dead and Dulles would be in charge of all
possible “conspiracy” segments.
    Richard Nixon, temporarily retired from politics
for the first time since 1946, selected Rep. Gerald Ford to be on this
Commission. Nixon selected Ford a second time when he ran home to escape
impeachment during Watergate.
    One of the first subjects for commission members
to share in January, one month before witnesses were selected, was the
matter of Lee Harvey Oswald being a government agent.
    Gerald Ford was the only member of the group to
write a book on the assassination. His book opened with the hushed and
secret meeting where allegations had been received that Oswald worked
for the FBI.
    What Ford left out of his book, and the
commissioners ignored in their Report, was that Oswald was also
identified as working for the CIA. Commission Chairman Earl Warren and
Commission Attorney Leon Jaworski knew about this. They stated that
“Mr. Belli, attorney for Jack L. Ruby, was familiar with these
allegations.”
    Oswald’s informant number was Number 110669.
    How was that for a starter?
    The next move was to start building the myth
about the deceased and ignore fact one, stated above. This grand
commission would call in a doctor who never met Lee Oswald or Jack Ruby
to assist them with their project, covering up.
    Justice Warren suggested bringing in Dr.
Overholser, who “of course is not a lawyer. He is a doctor from St.
Elizabeth’s Hospital.” As the Chairman went on to explain, “we
felt we ought to have someone who, in that field, could advise us on
matters concerning the life of Oswald and possibly the life of Ruby
also.”
    The next order of business was who should write
the Report for them? By January 21, 1964, that had to be decided.
    Chairman Earl Warren said, “we consulted
with the Defense Department, and they have offered to lend us one of
their historians to do this job, and we think that it is quite essential
to the work of the Commission.” Mr. Goldberg would assist from the
Air Force. Mr. Cokery was from the Army.
    “Mr. Winnaker recommended them,” Chief
Counsel J. Lee Rankin offered. “We would work with them to try to
anticipate all of the various historical aspects.”
    “Who’s Who in the CIA”
described “Mr. Winnaker” as having been born in Germany in
1904. His full name is Dr. Rudolph August Winnacker. He was an analyst
for the OSS, historian in the War Department from 1945-1949, and then
Chief of Historical Division of the Pentagon.”
    Was Winnaker the ilk of Willoughby? Or Reinhard
Gehlen? When did he come here from Germany? Where is he now?

 Photo by Manuel
Gonzales Bustos

Gehlen after the 1972
funeral of Wehrmacht Col. Gen. Franz Halder

 

    Marina Oswald was the first witness to
testify on February 3, 1964.
    Warren wanted nothing more than to make her
comfortable.
    The first question dealt with the General Walker
story because Walker had blown it by calling Munich so soon. That
scandal had to be put to rest right away.
    Warren asked Marina “if Exhibit 2 was
familiar to her because it was a picture of General Walker’s
house?”
    Marina said, “no,” but that wasn’t
good enough.
    She was asked again, and once more said, “I
didn’t see it, at least, taken from this view I can’t recognize it. I
never saw the house itself at any time in my life.”
    That wasn’t sufficient. She just couldn’t
remember “this particular one.”
    Chairman Warren was ready to go “off the
record.” They had only just begun.
    Chief Counsel Rankin suggested he show her
“more pictures,” then maybe she would recognize the Walker
home.
    This time she was given a selection of a
location in New Orleans, two snapshots from Leningrad, and the same shot
of the Walker home. Because Walker wasn’t living in a castle in
Leningrad, Marina assumed that house in Dallas must belong to
“General Walker.”
    Therefore this was admitted for identification.
The Defense Department history could then proceed. “Marina Oswald
positively identified the photograph of General Walker’s home among
Lee’s possessions.”
    There are a lot of things that remain to be said
about this commission and their phoney report.
    Admission of an old card trick at the beginning
set the tone for what was to follow. What was never supposed to come out
was the use of Reinhard Gehlen agents surrounding Lee and Marina Oswald
for the purposes of covering up the assassination conspiracy.
    Two Lee Harvey Oswalds existed.
    One memorized the Marine manual by age 17, went
directly into radar and electronic work. He trained at U-2 bases,
learned the Russian language, got himself into and out of the Soviet
Union, wrote clear and literate letters. He was met, upon arriving home,
by Government agents, provided with occupations, fathered two children,
owed no debts, traveled around a great deal, met with interesting oil
geologists, defense department and intelligence agents. Their social
circle included the “Cabots and Lodges” from Czarist Russia,
Admirals and some fancy folks.
    The other Oswald was one developed by the Warren
Commission to divert attention from the facts. Nobody ever saw the
original “diary” that he couldn’t have possibly written.
    Every Gehlen witness and emigre associated with
the CIA, Tolstoy Foundation, or Greek Orthodox Church was directed
towards the most ridiculous questions. From all that garbage the Defense
Department wrote the history.

    The last thing that should happen is for the
warriors to interpret and define for us. The facts speak for themselves.




Mae Brussell is a researcher based in Carmel, California. Her
weekly radio program, World Watchers, has been broadcast for the last
thirteen years


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